Foreword ix conversations, especially those on the intersection of theology, politics, eco- nomics, and other secular discourses. Yet, the meeting of religion with pov- erty alleviation raises complexities and ambiguities, too, as does the encounter of religion with peacemaking. The story of the Grameen (from the Bangla for “village”) initiative is an example of what may happen when religion and poverty-reduction efforts meet due to subsequent tensions and ambiguities. Grameen started in 1976 by organizing slum dwellers in Chittagong, Bangladesh, into self-help groups of five. Two members became eligible for small loans after business plans were accepted. Group pressure helped ensure that these were repaid, because other group members could not receive loans until then. The self-help group also enabled sharing of skills and provided support for members. As loans are repaid, larger sums become available. The bank is owned and run by clients. Women have especially benefited from microcredit. Many have been lifted out of poverty and empowered. Some have used their income to assert their autonomy, access education, and to assist others in turn. Some men have seen this as sabotaging their religion and culture and have questioned and challenged the bank’s motives. Grameen also charges interest, which some Muslims reject as pro- hibited under Islam. Yunus’s response is to say that the ban on usury intends to prevent exploitation by the rich of the poor and that, as Gra- meen is run by its clients, it does not contravene the ban. Others argue that extending capitalism into poor rural communities is not the best antipov- erty strategy because it fails to address causes of wealth inequality. Posi- tively, group members draw on and strengthen existing skills, develop new ones without outsiders taking solutions to them, and receive loans that recognize the value of their skills without any need for collateral. Several Islamic organizations, though, have adapted microcredit to comply with the ban on usury.5 Identifying Complexities: Religions, the Wealthy, and Bottom-Up Movements for Change The chapters in this publication offer case studies as well as historical and textual surveys of how religions think about and respond to poverty. While all the religions discussed have ideals about charitable giving, social respon- sibility toward the poor and needy (the Confucian virtue of benevolence), and long traditions of faith-motivated philanthropy, they have not always practiced what they preach. Buddhist monks opt for a life that is almost devoid of possessions. In theory, they and their monasteries own nothing, but as the chapter on Buddhism says, over time, monasteries “became sites of wealth and political power.”
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