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xvii INTRODUCTION agreement as to which groups fit this designation, and opponents of such designa- tions make the countercharge that the organizations that define hate, extremism, or racism often do so with their own philosophical, ideological, and political agendas. Nevertheless, this text examines dozens of individuals and groups variously defined as extremist or terroristic by virtue of one or more of the organizations dis- cussed above. Acts of terror or extremism, as well as movements defined as such, are examined, and readers are left to draw their own conclusions as to whether the terms affixed to subjects of this work are appropriate. This text examines extremists and extremist groups that have been part of the American scene in the post–World War II era. Some groups that were active before the end of World War II (e.g., the Ku Klux Klan) are covered, but the vast majority of the information presented will focus on the activities of these groups after 1945. Also, there may be a variety of groups or individuals that appeared as extremist on the domestic political scene very briefly, but their impact and influence was mar- ginal, and they are therefore not included in this examination. As this work progressed, it became apparent that extremist groups cannot be easily placed into one category or another. For instance, contemporary Ku Klux Klan (KKK) groups do not confine themselves to merely a hatred of blacks or protection of Southern culture and values. Rather, KKK groups today may have multiple affiliations and sympathies with neo-Nazis, sovereign citizens, patriot or militia groups, or various other antigovernment adherents. In the same manner, individuals do not fall neatly into a definitive category but may exhibit multiple affinities for different ideologies at a single point in time, or across multiple points in time. The most definitive passages found within are those dealing with particu- lar events that have a discernible beginning and ending (e.g., Ruby Ridge or the Waco standoff). But even in these circumstances, the effects of the event are not confined to the event itself or its immediate aftermath. Rather, the event may ripple through time and be a motivating factor for individuals or groups many years after the event’s culmination. Ruby Ridge and the Waco standoff are perfect illustrations of this point. In and of themselves, Ruby Ridge and Waco had discernible beginnings and endings, even though some might quibble about the contributing factors that led to the initia- tion of one event or another. In the case of these two incidents, Ruby Ridge began and ended in 1992, and the Waco standoff began and ended in 1993. Yet in 1995, Timothy McVeigh bombed the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, killing 168 people, including 20 children. McVeigh’s justification for his actions was that the U.S. federal government had become illegitimate as evi- denced by the impunity with which it “murdered” (according to McVeigh) Ameri- can citizens for the simple transgression of possessing illegal weapons. McVeigh’s rationale was that the U.S. government was a “bully,” and if no one stands up to a bully, he will continue to ride roughshod over his victims. But Ruby Ridge and the Waco standoff have reverberated through the years beyond Oklahoma City. In their immediate aftermaths, the incidents spawned both the patriot and militia movements. At their inception, these two movements were motivated by antigovernment sentiments and the belief that the United States