xxiv Introduction 24-hour period, though most attacks typically last only a few minutes. The motiva- tion of the shooting must not correlate with gang violence or targeted militant or terroristic activity. (p. 28) This definition seeks to overcome the limitations identified in the descriptions mentioned above while simultaneously extracting those facets that make sense in the context of understanding these events. It is for these reasons that this definition serves as the basis for identifying the events included in the encyclopedia of shoot- ings found later in the book. WHAT DO WE KNOW ABOUT MASS SHOOTINGS? In addition to the absence of a universally accepted definition about mass shoot- ings, we also are without a similarly comprehensive data source that tracks these events. Those databases linked to organizations such as Everytown for Gun Safety, the Mass Shooting Tracker, and Vox suffer from selection bias due to the earlier discussed issues with the definitions used to identify the incidents. In other words, since each definition used by the respective organization is crafted specifically to support their cause or mission, the number of attacks in each database subsequently is inflated. In many instances, this is done to give the perception that the number of shootings is on the rise and something (e.g., adding restrictions for gun control or expanding rights for legal firearms owners) must be done (see also Ehrenfreund & Goldfarb, 2015 Healy, 2015 Lutz, 2012 Plumer, 2012 Wing & Stein, 2014). In reality, however, the number of mass shootings is relatively stable and has been for several decades (averaging approximately 20 attacks per year), even taking into account high-profile incidents such as Columbine, Virginia Tech, Sandy Hook, and the Pulse nightclub (Fox & DeLateur, 2014 Schildkraut & Elsass, 2016). We do know that mass shootings are not a recent phenomenon, despite the pub- lic’s misperception that the 1999 shooting at Columbine (or even the 1966 Tower shooting at the University of Texas, for some older Americans) was the first event of its kind in our nation’s history. In fact, mass shootings have a long and public history in the United States, dating back to the late 1800s. They also are not spe- cific to one particular type of location. Nearly every state has experienced some type of mass shooting attack (only five have not), and they have occurred in com- munities of varying shapes and sizes (e.g., urban, suburban, rural). Interestingly, despite the fact that homicides are more highly concentrated across the southern region of the nation, mass shootings have more commonly occurred in the western United States. Further, despite the common misperception that mass shootings are a uniquely American phenomenon, similar attacks have occurred on six of the seven continents. When people think of mass shootings, they often consider those attacks that oc- cur in schools. While this is the most common type of location and such events typically garner more attention among the media and politicians, mass shootings happen at a variety of locations. Workplaces are the second most common type of location together with schools, such attacks account for nearly 65 percent of mass
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