12 Tech Wars Examples include the Department of Energy (DOE) laboratories that were part of the Manhattan Project composed of seventeen laboratories that are today managed as government-owned and contractor-operated facilities each has unique scientifi c capabilities (requiring signifi cant capital expendi- tures) including photon light sources, high fl ux neutron sources, nanoscale science centers, high-performance computing facilities, high-energy physics and nuclear physics facilities, biological and environmental facilities, and fusion research facilities, just to name a few. The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) (originally called the Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA)) created in 1958 in reaction to the Sputnik launch was specifi cally established to position the United States to avoid strategic surprise. Its military successes—many of which became foundations for non-military applications—include stealth technology computing and communications (including the early internet known as ARPAnet) microelectronics intelligence, surveillance, and recon- naissance (ISR) position, navigation, and timing (PNT) (including GPS) infrared night imaging and unmanned aerial vehicles. 10 Industry and academia (including an “other” category, which accounts for state and local governments as well) also serve as vital components in the U.S. R&D enterprise, with both providing a growing share of the nation’s R&D. Industry has far surpassed the government as a funder of R&D at 67 percent. U.S. colleges and universities primarily provide early research that supports government and nongovernmental interests at approximately 8 percent. The federal government now accounts for only 24 percent of R&D funding. Today, U.S. dominance has been eroded as other nations have been plac- ing higher priority on R&D. The growing international share of R&D spend- ing highlights how far U.S. dominance has eroded. In 1960, considering federal, industry, and academia, the United States accounted for 69 percent of the global R&D. By 2016, the United States accounted for only 28 percent of the global R&D. 11 Looking regionally, in 2015, the three largest blocs for R&D were East and Southeast Asia (37.6 percent), North America (27.9 per- cent), and Europe (21.6 percent). These three blocs accounted for 87.1 per- cent of the total global R&D. 12 With such a shift, it is no wonder that U.S. technology leadership and superiority can no longer be assured. Several factors directly infl uenced this global technology race. The world has seen the dominance the United States gained through its S&T (and R&D) capabilities. Others—nations and even nonstate actors—want to gain the same advantages, which has meant a democratization of technologies. Global priorities have also changed, with nations placing a higher priority on resourcing R&D. In the post–World War II period, the United States clearly prioritized R&D and set challenging goals (e.g., President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s
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