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In Chapter 5, Mikyoung Kim, a South Korean sociologist who now teaches in Japan, begins her chapter by distinguishing ontological historical facts from percep- tual historical memory, which fuels the ‘‘memory war’’ in the region. While discern- ing historical facts from myths as contested in the realm of history textbooks in China, Japan and Korea, she links the different manifestations of collective memory to the rapidly shifting sociopolitical milieu of the regional landscape. She analyzes each case from an equidistant standpoint. For Japan, the ideological pendulum swing between the left and the right has been reflected on the changes of Japanese texts, and that is an extension of the unsettled war memories and their meanings for the coun- try. She continues with China, showing that Chinese memories remain mixed and ambivalent about Japan, and the texts contain some narratives about the Japanese actions against China that can be misconstrued. The case of Korea sheds a light on stringent moral measurement applied to the wounds inflicted by its powerful neigh- bors, exemplified by the Japanese colonialism. At work is the framework of its own self-projection as a virtuous victim and resister. Her chapter itself could be consid- ered as a significant effort toward reconciliation. Chapter 6 by Akihiko Tanaka, a political scientist at the University of Tokyo, examines the Yasukuni Shrine issue. This was the single biggest issue during Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi’s tenure from 2001 to 2006 that alienated Japan from China and South Korea. Tanaka gives key background details about the Yasukuni Shrine and examines why this issue became so intertwined in Japan and its neighbors both by delineating four categories of conflicting constitutive symbols hidden in the Yasukuni issue and by discussing how these symbols have been used by different actors at different times. Tanaka concludes that while Koizumi did not lose by visit- ing Yasukuni, he did not win, either. Likewise, by simplistically equating Yasukuni visits with the revival of Japanese militarism, the Chinese also inadvertently contrib- uted to the alienation of Japanese public opinion from sympathy with the Chinese view. The ultimate question of how to mourn those who were killed in the war to the satisfaction of all concerned remains unresolved. Kazuhiko Togo examines in Chapter 7 the comfort women issue. During Prime Minster Shinzo Abe’s tenure, this became the most widely discussed issue. This issue is no longer confined to the debate between Japan and its immediate neighbors, but also, with the passing of the July 30, 2007 House Resolution, the United States has become an important player in the debate. More than any other subjects, the debate on comfort women is politically sensitive in the United States because this issue is now seen in the light of human rights and gender equality. Therefore, a moral and political evaluation of this issue is essential for any writer who writes on the subject. Togo presents three schools of thought in Japan: first, those who consider the system primarily as one through which institu- tional rape was committed and perpetuated second, those who consider it as a system of military brothels and, third, those who do not go into definitions but acknowledge the pains inflicted on comfort women, apologize, and show readiness for compensation. Togo makes it clear that he supports the third approach, which is the cornerstone of the 1993 Kono Statement of apology. 8 EAST ASIA’S HAUNTED PRESENT